The Toronto-based Canadian Civil Service Union (CUPE) Local 79 was in jeopardy after local president David Mitchell was forced to resign by CUPE’s national office. Mitchell is said to have received money under the table from 79 local Vice President Jason Chan. Local 79 is CUPE’s largest local and CUPE is Canada’s largest trade union with over 500,000 members in healthcare, education and municipal services.
Mitchell helped Chan gain a favorable position on the board of directors of the Ontario City Employee Pension Program (OMERS) sponsor. OMERS is a pension fund for local government employees with over 500,000 active and retired members. Chan is the representative of CUPE Local 79 on the OMERS board.
The allegations came to light after an OMERS investigation into Chan found that he was offering some of the $ 46,000 holders to David Mitchell for sitting on the board. Despite a request from the CUPE National Office, Chan refused to resign from his position as VP of Local 79 and the OMERS board of directors, claiming that “nothing was wrong.” increase.
The Toronto star An anonymous member of CUPE Local 79 states that Mitchell said he helped Chan join the board because of his financial background. According to his LinkedIn profile, Chan holds a bachelor’s degree in business administration from York University, specializing in finance. He has an accounting certificate from Ryerson University and has been working as an accountant in the City of Toronto since the spring of 2008. He has been the director of OMERS since the spring of 2018.
Neither Chan nor Mitchell seemed to have any problems with their plans. Everything began to be elucidated earlier this year when Chan refused to continue paying Mitchell under the table.By email to StarChan claimed that he was paying Mitchell from his “pocket” and not from the holders of OMERS.
Chan Star The holder of OMERS gave him a higher salary than Mitchell. Mitchell complained to him that the Vice President should not make more money than the President. Chan generously agreed to give Mitchell “a part of his money” to maintain the union’s hierarchy. Chan confessed that after Chan refused to pay further, Mitchell took him to the loss court and threatened to hire some of the holders.
According to his LinkedIn profile, David Mitchell, an employee of the City of Toronto and now the former president of CUPE Local 79, has been a member of Local 79 since March 1989. This is a man who is a creature of union bureaucrats, which shows it.
The CUPE Local 79 scandal reveals the types of people who occupy positions within the public and private sector union bureaucracy. Both Chan and Mitchell have zero ethical standards for promoting their personal financial and career interests through corporate unions.
Corruption and unethical practices are pervasive throughout the union’s bureaucracy. After it was revealed that Unifour, Canada’s largest private sector union with more than 300,000 members, accepted a $ 50,000 payment to encourage employers of workers represented by Unifor. Was upset by a kickback scandal involving long-time president Jerry Diaz, who resigned last month. Purchase the COVID-19 test kit from a specific manufacturer.
The Unifor and CUPE corruption scandals represent the nature of the union as a corporate organization with close ties to the corporate elite, local governments, state and federal governments. They act as the gatekeeper of capitalism, cracking down on class struggles and forcing corporate demands on rank and file membership. Their upper class is inhabited by privileged middle-class bureaucrats who take care of themselves and other members of the “club” while selling off ordinary workers on concessionary contracts. They are brilliantly compensated for both “legally” and the services provided to the ruling class elite.
This process has been going on for decades. Over the last 40 years, unions have emerged as the main institution for controlling class struggle. Their top officials are fully integrated into the “collective bargaining” and “labor-management” systems of professional employers, taking full advantage of the substantial monetary rewards that result from the relationships between corporates and states and large corporations. Did.
This development culminated in the midst of a COVID-19 pandemic in which all unions, including Unifor and CUPE, interfered with worker protests and work behavior against dangerous working conditions. Workers’ strikes against returning to work infected with COVID have been declared “illegal,” and union officials have worked with federal and state governments to resume the economy at the expense of tens of thousands of lives. ..
The fact that the scandal seized CUPE tends to describe it as one of the more “left” and “radical” unions among Canada’s pseudo-left and other “progressive” groups. Especially important when you think about it. Unifour has had a close political relationship with the Liberal Party of Ontario at the federal level over the last few years, most clearly with the emergence of Diaz as an effective adviser before the Trudeau administration fell out of grace. Expressed in, CUPE fostered a more independent image.
Politically, it tends to favor austerity new Democrats in the campaign, and Unifor, the Ontario Labor Union, and other so-called “labor organizations” support large corporate liberals during the campaign. Strengthen. CUPE strengthened its supposed radical stance with false references to the long-abandoned claim of being the NDP’s “Labor Party.”
Depicting CUPE as a kind of alternative has always been a scam. When the Liberal Party and the New Democratic Party announced a “trust and supply” agreement last month, the Tordo government will be able to wage war abroad, increase military spending and continue to be strict on public spending. A big step forward.
CUPE imposed a concessionary contract and sold out strikes as ruthlessly as its counterparts such as Unifor, USW and UFCW. Last November, CUPE sought better wages and benefits at the very moment when it began to generate public support by blocking strikes by more than 22,000 New Brunswick public sector workers.
In April 2021, CUPE succumbed to the anti-democratic reinstatement law imposed by the Tordo government to crush strikes by 1,100 port workers at the port of Montreal. With clear support from the Tordo government employers, they were able to maintain brutal scheduling plans and rigorous disciplinary action, and in recent years dozens of radical workers have been dismissed.
At the beginning of the pandemic, CUPE Local79 and Local416 split Toronto’s external and internal workers into contract negotiations and imposed sold-out transactions at intervals of just a few weeks. Despite being in the legal position of the strike, Local 416 entered into a rotten agreement with the city at the 11th hour of the meeting after extending the strike deadline.
The records of CUPE and the Union Bureaucracy, as a whole, underscore the urgent need of workers to completely escape from these corrupt organizations. They must build a new worker organization in the form of a rank and file committee. These committees are independent of and must oppose the financial oversight system that governs governments, trade unions and the media.
The Rank and File Commission is democratically controlled by the workers themselves and does not claim that their boss can afford it, but makes demands based on what the workers really need for a comfortable standard of living. You have to fight accordingly. To engage in such a battle, workers are in control of the vast wealth stored by the ultra-rich, throughout Canada and internationally, and a global counterattack to make it freely available. Must be integrated with the struggle of brothers and sisters in the class. The majority of the population, the working class, to meet their democratic and social needs.